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Wisconsin Mascot Law Having an Impact

Wisconsin Mascot Law Having an Impact

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The Kewaunee School District in Wisconsin has decided to formally discontinue the use of its Indians team name and logo!  We think this is an extremely important issue for public education today.

This decision comes after Wisconsin passed the historic Race Based Nicknames, Mascots, and Logos Law.  Here is some background (from the Wisconsin State Human Relations Association):

On May 5, 2010, Governor Jim Doyle signed into law SB 25, the Race Based nicknames, mascots, and logos law.  The signing of this law was the culmination of a 16-year collaborative process.  Rep. Jim Soletski, and Sen. Coggs introduced this critical piece of legislation in 2009.

Bill co-sponsor Democrat Sen. Spencer Coggs (D-Milwaukee) said, “If we use that logic, back in 1954, when Rosa Parks got on a bus and she decided it was not right for black people to sit at the back. … Would it have been okay for another black person to say, ‘Hey I like sitting in the back of the bus. It’s okay with me – let’s cancel out what Rosa Parks is talking about?'”

Rep. Jim Soletski (D-Green Bay) stated that, “It’s 2009. It’s time we put this behind us. It’s the Native American’s heritage, first and foremost. If they’re not feeling honored, then it’s time to get rid of it.”  Wisconsin is the first state in the United States to pass such an important legislation.

Indian County Today’s article on the signing of the bill

Indian Country Today’s 2009 article on the content of the bill

For additional information about the importance of the issue, go to Students and Teachers Against Racism or you can view our presentations on “Othering.”

National Rural Education Technology Summit

National Rural Education Technology Summit

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(Thanks to Fritz Edelstein for the following announcement.)

Today, Wednesday, July 21, at the National Museum of the American Indian in Washington, D.C., the Department of Education and the Smithsonian Institution convened experts in education and technology to share effective models and innovative practices for improving teaching and learning in rural schools.

Presentations and discussions at the National Rural Education Technology Summit focused on how rural schools can use technology to overcome the challenges of distance and isolation, while capitalizing on the positive opportunities in rural areas.

Speakers and participants include:  U.S. Secretary of Education Arne Duncan; Federal Communications Commission Chairman Julius Genachowski; Smithsonian Institution Secretary G. Wayne Clough; U.S. Deputy Secretary of Agriculture Kathleen Merrigan; South Dakota State Superintendent Tom Oster; North Carolina State Superintendent June Atkinson; and New Hampshire Commissioner of Education Virginia Barry.

They were joined by over 100 rural education and technology experts from 24 states, discussing how technology can be used to overcome the challenges of distance and provide new opportunities in rural schools.

We will look for follow-up information!  Let us know if you attended by emailing westwind (at) westwinded (dot) com.  The venue suggests to me that American Indian education might be a particular topic of discussion.  Was this the case or was it just a fabulous location for an event?

State Policy Implications of the Model Core Teaching Standards

State Policy Implications of the Model Core Teaching Standards

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[box class=”grey_box”]By Deanna Hill, Circe Stumbo, Kathleen Paliokas, Deb Hansen, and Peter McWalters. This draft discussion document was written on behalf of CCSSO’s Interstate Teacher Assessment and Support Consortium (InTASC) as a companion document to Model Core Teaching Standards: A Resource for State Dialogue. Disseminated at CCSSO’s 2010 Summer Institute, it was written to assist the organization’s influential network of chief state school officers and the education community as they make decisions about standards adoption and implementation.[/box]


Library image (cc) Marco Antonio Torres

The Meaning of Memorial Day

The Meaning of Memorial Day

Reading Time: 3 minutes

“What is Memorial Day for, Mom?”  This was the question from my 9-year-old son as we sat at the dinner table on the night before the holiday  His 6-year-old brother cocked his head at me, eyes wide, waiting for “the answer.”  As I related to him what I had always been told (i.e., that it’s a day to remember the soldiers who died for our country), I realized that I didn’t know anything about the origin of the holiday or even which war prompted it.  Unsatisfied with my own knowledge, I did some quick research and uncovered something interesting but not surprising–a counterstory.

The majoritarian story credits General John A. Logan, commander-in-chief of the Grand Army of the Republic (the Union Army’s veterans organization), for his 1868 call for all veterans and their communities to hold ceremonies and decorate the graves of soliders who had died in the Civil War.   This practice spread across the nation.  Thereafter, cities in both the north and south claimed the first Memorial Day, but none date back as far as what Yale historian David Blight discovered in his research.

According to Blight, Memorial Day was created by blacks, in cooperation with white missionaries and teachers, in Charleston, South Carolina.  As Blight tells us:

“Thousands of black Charlestonians, most former slaves, remained in the city and conducted a series of commemorations to declare their sense of the meaning of the war. The largest of these events, and unknown until some extraordinary luck in my recent research, took place on May 1, 1865. During the final year of the war, the Confederates had converted the planters’ horse track, the Washington Race Course and Jockey Club, into an outdoor prison. Union soldiers were kept in horrible conditions in the interior of the track; at least 257 died of exposure and disease and were hastily buried in a mass grave behind the grandstand. Some twenty-eight black workmen went to the site, re-buried the Union dead properly, and built a high fence around the cemetery. They whitewashed the fence and built an archway over an entrance on which they inscribed the words, “Martyrs of the Race Course.”

Then, black Charlestonians in cooperation with white missionaries and teachers, staged an unforgettable parade of 10,000 people on the slaveholders’ race course. The symbolic power of the low-country planter aristocracy’s horse track (where they had displayed their wealth, leisure, and influence) was not lost on the freedpeople. A New York Tribune correspondent witnessed the event, describing “a procession of friends and mourners as South Carolina and the United States never saw before.”

At 9 am on May 1, the procession stepped off led by three thousand black schoolchildren carrying arm loads of roses and singing “John Brown’s Body.” The children were followed by several hundred black women with baskets of flowers, wreaths and crosses. Then came black men marching in cadence, followed by contingents of Union infantry and other black and white citizens. As many as possible gathering in the cemetery enclosure; a childrens’ choir sang “We’ll Rally around the Flag,” the “Star-Spangled Banner,” and several spirituals before several black ministers read from scripture. No record survives of which biblical passages rung out in the warm spring air, but the spirit of Leviticus 25 was surely present at those burial rites: “for it is the jubilee; it shall be holy unto you… in the year of this jubilee he shall return every man unto his own possession.”

Following the solemn dedication the crowd dispersed into the infield and did what many of us do on Memorial Day: they enjoyed picnics, listened to speeches, and watched soldiers drill. Among the full brigade of Union infantry participating was the famous 54th Massachusetts and the 34th and 104th U.S. Colored Troops, who performed a special double-columned march around the gravesite. The war was over, and Decoration Day had been founded by African Americans in a ritual of remembrance and consecration. The war, they had boldly announced, had been all about the triumph of their emancipation over a slaveholders’ republic, and not about state rights, defense of home, nor merely soldiers’ valor and sacrifice.”

[Blight also reminds us that states in the south celebrate(d) Confederate Memorial Day: April 26 (the day General Joseph Johnston surrendered to General William T. Sherman) in many deep South states; May 10 (Stonewall Jackson’s birthday) in the Carolinas; and June 3 (Jefferson Davis’s birthday) in Virginia.]

I now have a counterstory to tell my sons–one that places people of color in the center.  And, I was reminded of a lesson I have learned and, for some reason, must keep relearning.  “All such stories … are but prelude to future reckonings. All memory is prelude.”  Thank you, David Blight.

Read the full David Blight article here.

Read an interesting blog article on the topic here.

White Privilege Conference 2010

White Privilege Conference 2010

Reading Time: 4 minutes
White Privilege Conference 2010
On April 7-11 the eleventh annual White Privilege Conference (WPC 11) was held in LaCrosse, Wisconsin.  I had my first opportunity to join with over 1700 people from across the nation and participate in a learning community in which participants engaged in a challenging educational experience to understand whiteness, privilege, power and oppression.  As the organizers clearly pointed out, each participant comes to the WPC in a different place with regard to their journey toward this understanding and each participant is asked to share responsibility for holding one another accountable to allow for a shared experience that fosters the opportunity for understanding, respecting and connecting.  The theme for WPC 11 was to focus on Health Inequities:  Strategies. Action. Liberation.  With some 140 workshops and Institutes lead by some of the nation’s premier scholars, researchers, teachers and advocates, 15 film screenings by outstanding film makers  and 5 keynote addresses, this was the most comprehensive professional development experience and celebration of its kind.
Embedded within and conducted throughout was year three of the WPC Youth Leadership Conference which paired youth participants and adult facilitators in an innovative program to explore the issues of white privilege, white supremacy and oppression.  The creative format, using best practices in youth engagement, featured interactive dialogue techniques from theater of the oppressed, sacred talking circles, open space caucuses and affinity groups.  The ideas and understandings born of these interactions were then shared with the adult conference using a range of performing arts based methods.  I am continually amazed at how resonant the issues power, oppression and privilege are with our youth and their ability to make meaning of the presence and impact of these forces in their everyday lived experiences in transformative ways.
Circe and I had the honor of presenting our workshop, “Us” and “Not Us”:  “Othering” in Education Policy and Practices, twice during the 4-day event.  Along with the close to 50 workshop participants, we set out to establish through examining language, text, images and lived experiences in historical and contemporary contexts, that “othering” is and has been central to the domination and oppression of people of color in the United States.  The process of establishing whiteness as normal and non-whiteness as deviant is essential and endemic to those systems (financial, legal, educational, political and social) structured to establish and sustain the nation’s way of life and is one way in which we perpetuate systemic racism.  We investigated how educational policy and practice work to establish whiteness as the norm and positions students of color in homogenous groups hindered by deviation from that norm, “othering” students of color, and collaborated with participants to reveal  forms of “othering” and ways to work against extending this practice.
Being a part of this community of thinkers, learners and doers with indomitable wills to recognize, understand and call out white privilege for the continued establishment of the beloved community is central to the mission of West Wind Education Policy Inc.

On April 7-11 the eleventh annual White Privilege Conference (WPC 11) was held in LaCrosse, Wisconsin.  I had my first opportunity to join with over 1700 people from across the nation and participate in a learning community in which participants engaged in a challenging educational experience to understand whiteness, privilege, power and oppression.  As the organizers clearly pointed out, each participant comes to the WPC in a different place with regard to their journey toward this understanding and each participant is asked to share responsibility for holding one another accountable to allow for a shared experience that fosters the opportunity for understanding, respecting and connecting.  With some 140 workshops and Institutes lead by some of the nation’s premier scholars, researchers, teachers and advocates, 15 film screenings by outstanding film makers  and 5 keynote addresses, this was the most comprehensive professional development experience and celebration of its kind.

West Wind had the honor of presenting our workshop, “Us” and “Not Us”:  “Othering” in Education Policy and Practices, twice during the 4-day event.  Along with the close to 50 workshop participants, we set out to establish through examining language, text, images and lived experiences in historical and contemporary contexts, that “othering” is and has been central to the domination and oppression of people of color in the United States.  The process of establishing whiteness as normal and non-whiteness as deviant is essential and endemic to those systems (financial, legal, educational, political and social) structured to establish and sustain the nation’s way of life and is one way in which we perpetuate systemic racism.  We investigated how educational policy and practice work to establish whiteness as the norm and positions students of color in homogenous groups hindered by deviation from that norm, “othering” students of color, and collaborated with participants to reveal  forms of “othering” and ways to work against extending this practice.

Also embedded within and conducted throughout the conference was year three of the WPC Youth Leadership Conference, which paired youth participants and adult facilitators in an innovative program to explore the issues of oppression and white privilege.  The creative format, using best practices in youth engagement, featured interactive dialogue techniques from theater of the oppressed, sacred talking circles, open space caucuses and affinity groups.  The ideas and understandings born of these interactions were then shared with the adult conference using a range of performing arts based methods.  I am continually amazed at how resonant the issues power, oppression and privilege are with our youth and their ability to make meaning of the presence and impact of these forces in their everyday lived experiences in transformative ways.

Congratulations and thank you to the remarkable groups of people who organized, supported and made WPC 11 possible!  We look forward to continuing to be a part of this community of thinkers, learners and doers with indomitable wills to recognize, understand and call out white privilege for the continued establishment of the beloved community.

Imagine

Imagine

Reading Time: 3 minutes

Tim Wise’s latest blog post titled “Imagine: Protest, Insurgency and the Workings of White Privilege” asks readers to play a game in which they imagine the public reaction to current events if the main actors were not white but black folks or other people of color.  At first glance, the set up felt a little hokey to me.  It reminded me a bit of Matthew McConaughey’s character’s strategy in the movie “A Time to Kill”–to get the white jury to imagine the young black girl’s suffering…and then to imagine she was white.  However, I have to admit that the game–like the jury argument–was pretty powerful.

For example, Wise invites us to (and I quote):

  • “Imagine that hundreds of black protesters were to descend upon Washington DC and Northern Virginia, just a few miles from the Capitol and White House, armed with AK-47s, assorted handguns, and ammunition. And imagine that some of these protesters–the black protesters–spoke of the need for political revolution, and possibly even armed conflict in the event that laws they didn’t like were enforced by the government. Would these protesters–these black protesters with guns–be seen as brave defenders of the Second Amendment, or would they be viewed by most whites as a danger to the republic? What if they were Arab-Americans? Because, after all, that’s what happened recently when white gun enthusiasts descended upon the nation’s capital, arms in hand, and verbally announced their readiness to make war on the country’s political leaders if the need arose.
  • Imagine that white members of Congress, while walking to work, were surrounded by thousands of angry, screaming, black people, one of whom proceeded to spit on one of those congressmen for not voting the way the black demonstrators desired. Would the protesters be seen as merely patriotic Americans voicing their opinions, or as an angry, potentially violent, and even insurrectionary mob? After all, this is what white Tea Party protesters did recently in Washington.
  • Imagine that a popular black liberal website posted comments about the daughter of a white president, calling her “typical redneck trash,” or a “whore” whose mother entertains her by “making monkey sounds.” After all that’s comparable to what conservatives posted about Malia Obama on freerepublic.com last year, when they referred to her as “ghetto trash.”

Wise concludes that “Protest is only seen as fundamentally American when those who have long had the luxury of seeing themselves as prototypically American engage in it.”  He goes on to say that is what white privilege is all about:  “The ability to threaten others, to engage in violent and incendiary rhetoric without consequence, to be viewed as patriotic and normal no matter what you do, and never to be feared and despised as people of color would be, if they tried to get away with half the shit we do, on a daily basis.”

Wise ends his post with “Game over.”  Yet, the game was on for one commenter who chose to challenge Wise point-by-point.  In the commenter’s mind:

  • The group of gun-toting protesters was representative of the country’s demographics (predominantly white), the protest was not “restrictively” white, and there must have been some black participants, thus…not white privilege.
  • The video Tim posted did not show anyone spitting on members of Congress (no “hard” evidence) and the niece of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. is a Tea Partier, thus…not white privilege.
  • People criticized George W. Bush, Sarah Palin, and Sarah Palin’s daughter, thus…not white privilege.

This, I suggest, is also what white privilege is all about.  It’s the ability to deny the significance of race, to narrowly define racism so as to exclude all but the most extreme (think KKK), to point to black participation as legitimizing/de-racializing, and to disregard this nation’s racist past as irrelevant to its present.

Perhaps we should play Wise’s game for real (but in our own context on issues that we care about) and see how the public responds.  I’d be willing to bet the prototypical (white) American won’t be thinking about black folks’ constitutional rights…and no one will be calling us patriotic.  Rather than game over, I say game on.  Imagine that!

You can find Wise’s post at www.timwise.org, but you will have to click on Blog (At Red Room) to find it.

An Equity Lens for ESEA Reauthorization

An Equity Lens for ESEA Reauthorization

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Recently, bi-partisan leadership in the U.S. Congress invited suggestions for the upcoming reauthorization of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA).  In our comments, West Wind urged Congress to pay explicit attention to equity not only as an over-arching goal of reauthorization, but as a frame for reviewing each and every provision.

Our experiences over the past twenty years suggest that without such explicit attention, we simply will not achieve equitable results.  For decades we have worked on standards, assessments, and data systems and we have been tracking inequities.  But our responses have been limited at best.

For example, in response to demonstrated “gaps” in reading achievement by race, we focused explicit attention on reading while we systematically avoided addressing underlying issues of race.  And, even in the cases where the rising tide of improved student achievement did lift all boats state- or region-wide, it did not decrease racial disparities.

We believe must study and disrupt the underlying causes of the patterns of disparities we are tracking. By examining ESEA through the lens of equity, we might just come up with strategies to finally achieve our vision of equitable outcomes.

Transforming Teaching and Leading: A Vision for a High Quality Educator Development System

Transforming Teaching and Leading: A Vision for a High Quality Educator Development System

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[box class=”grey_box”]By Deanna Hill, Judy Jeffrey, Peter McWalters, Kathleen Paliokas, Alice Seagren, and Circe Stumbo. This white paper outlines the agenda of the Council of Chief State School Officers (CCSSO) to identify critical design elements of a high quality educator development system and to provide states with a tool to identify work to be done in each element. It articulates a vision for teaching and leading as part of a broader vision for transforming the public education system toward excellence and equity.[/box]


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