Tag: Racial Equity

The Meaning of Memorial Day

The Meaning of Memorial Day

Reading Time: 3 minutes

“What is Memorial Day for, Mom?”  This was the question from my 9-year-old son as we sat at the dinner table on the night before the holiday  His 6-year-old brother cocked his head at me, eyes wide, waiting for “the answer.”  As I related to him what I had always been told (i.e., that it’s a day to remember the soldiers who died for our country), I realized that I didn’t know anything about the origin of the holiday or even which war prompted it.  Unsatisfied with my own knowledge, I did some quick research and uncovered something interesting but not surprising–a counterstory.

The majoritarian story credits General John A. Logan, commander-in-chief of the Grand Army of the Republic (the Union Army’s veterans organization), for his 1868 call for all veterans and their communities to hold ceremonies and decorate the graves of soliders who had died in the Civil War.   This practice spread across the nation.  Thereafter, cities in both the north and south claimed the first Memorial Day, but none date back as far as what Yale historian David Blight discovered in his research.

According to Blight, Memorial Day was created by blacks, in cooperation with white missionaries and teachers, in Charleston, South Carolina.  As Blight tells us:

“Thousands of black Charlestonians, most former slaves, remained in the city and conducted a series of commemorations to declare their sense of the meaning of the war. The largest of these events, and unknown until some extraordinary luck in my recent research, took place on May 1, 1865. During the final year of the war, the Confederates had converted the planters’ horse track, the Washington Race Course and Jockey Club, into an outdoor prison. Union soldiers were kept in horrible conditions in the interior of the track; at least 257 died of exposure and disease and were hastily buried in a mass grave behind the grandstand. Some twenty-eight black workmen went to the site, re-buried the Union dead properly, and built a high fence around the cemetery. They whitewashed the fence and built an archway over an entrance on which they inscribed the words, “Martyrs of the Race Course.”

Then, black Charlestonians in cooperation with white missionaries and teachers, staged an unforgettable parade of 10,000 people on the slaveholders’ race course. The symbolic power of the low-country planter aristocracy’s horse track (where they had displayed their wealth, leisure, and influence) was not lost on the freedpeople. A New York Tribune correspondent witnessed the event, describing “a procession of friends and mourners as South Carolina and the United States never saw before.”

At 9 am on May 1, the procession stepped off led by three thousand black schoolchildren carrying arm loads of roses and singing “John Brown’s Body.” The children were followed by several hundred black women with baskets of flowers, wreaths and crosses. Then came black men marching in cadence, followed by contingents of Union infantry and other black and white citizens. As many as possible gathering in the cemetery enclosure; a childrens’ choir sang “We’ll Rally around the Flag,” the “Star-Spangled Banner,” and several spirituals before several black ministers read from scripture. No record survives of which biblical passages rung out in the warm spring air, but the spirit of Leviticus 25 was surely present at those burial rites: “for it is the jubilee; it shall be holy unto you… in the year of this jubilee he shall return every man unto his own possession.”

Following the solemn dedication the crowd dispersed into the infield and did what many of us do on Memorial Day: they enjoyed picnics, listened to speeches, and watched soldiers drill. Among the full brigade of Union infantry participating was the famous 54th Massachusetts and the 34th and 104th U.S. Colored Troops, who performed a special double-columned march around the gravesite. The war was over, and Decoration Day had been founded by African Americans in a ritual of remembrance and consecration. The war, they had boldly announced, had been all about the triumph of their emancipation over a slaveholders’ republic, and not about state rights, defense of home, nor merely soldiers’ valor and sacrifice.”

[Blight also reminds us that states in the south celebrate(d) Confederate Memorial Day: April 26 (the day General Joseph Johnston surrendered to General William T. Sherman) in many deep South states; May 10 (Stonewall Jackson’s birthday) in the Carolinas; and June 3 (Jefferson Davis’s birthday) in Virginia.]

I now have a counterstory to tell my sons–one that places people of color in the center.  And, I was reminded of a lesson I have learned and, for some reason, must keep relearning.  “All such stories … are but prelude to future reckonings. All memory is prelude.”  Thank you, David Blight.

Read the full David Blight article here.

Read an interesting blog article on the topic here.

White Privilege Conference 2010

White Privilege Conference 2010

Reading Time: 4 minutes
White Privilege Conference 2010
On April 7-11 the eleventh annual White Privilege Conference (WPC 11) was held in LaCrosse, Wisconsin.  I had my first opportunity to join with over 1700 people from across the nation and participate in a learning community in which participants engaged in a challenging educational experience to understand whiteness, privilege, power and oppression.  As the organizers clearly pointed out, each participant comes to the WPC in a different place with regard to their journey toward this understanding and each participant is asked to share responsibility for holding one another accountable to allow for a shared experience that fosters the opportunity for understanding, respecting and connecting.  The theme for WPC 11 was to focus on Health Inequities:  Strategies. Action. Liberation.  With some 140 workshops and Institutes lead by some of the nation’s premier scholars, researchers, teachers and advocates, 15 film screenings by outstanding film makers  and 5 keynote addresses, this was the most comprehensive professional development experience and celebration of its kind.
Embedded within and conducted throughout was year three of the WPC Youth Leadership Conference which paired youth participants and adult facilitators in an innovative program to explore the issues of white privilege, white supremacy and oppression.  The creative format, using best practices in youth engagement, featured interactive dialogue techniques from theater of the oppressed, sacred talking circles, open space caucuses and affinity groups.  The ideas and understandings born of these interactions were then shared with the adult conference using a range of performing arts based methods.  I am continually amazed at how resonant the issues power, oppression and privilege are with our youth and their ability to make meaning of the presence and impact of these forces in their everyday lived experiences in transformative ways.
Circe and I had the honor of presenting our workshop, “Us” and “Not Us”:  “Othering” in Education Policy and Practices, twice during the 4-day event.  Along with the close to 50 workshop participants, we set out to establish through examining language, text, images and lived experiences in historical and contemporary contexts, that “othering” is and has been central to the domination and oppression of people of color in the United States.  The process of establishing whiteness as normal and non-whiteness as deviant is essential and endemic to those systems (financial, legal, educational, political and social) structured to establish and sustain the nation’s way of life and is one way in which we perpetuate systemic racism.  We investigated how educational policy and practice work to establish whiteness as the norm and positions students of color in homogenous groups hindered by deviation from that norm, “othering” students of color, and collaborated with participants to reveal  forms of “othering” and ways to work against extending this practice.
Being a part of this community of thinkers, learners and doers with indomitable wills to recognize, understand and call out white privilege for the continued establishment of the beloved community is central to the mission of West Wind Education Policy Inc.

On April 7-11 the eleventh annual White Privilege Conference (WPC 11) was held in LaCrosse, Wisconsin.  I had my first opportunity to join with over 1700 people from across the nation and participate in a learning community in which participants engaged in a challenging educational experience to understand whiteness, privilege, power and oppression.  As the organizers clearly pointed out, each participant comes to the WPC in a different place with regard to their journey toward this understanding and each participant is asked to share responsibility for holding one another accountable to allow for a shared experience that fosters the opportunity for understanding, respecting and connecting.  With some 140 workshops and Institutes lead by some of the nation’s premier scholars, researchers, teachers and advocates, 15 film screenings by outstanding film makers  and 5 keynote addresses, this was the most comprehensive professional development experience and celebration of its kind.

West Wind had the honor of presenting our workshop, “Us” and “Not Us”:  “Othering” in Education Policy and Practices, twice during the 4-day event.  Along with the close to 50 workshop participants, we set out to establish through examining language, text, images and lived experiences in historical and contemporary contexts, that “othering” is and has been central to the domination and oppression of people of color in the United States.  The process of establishing whiteness as normal and non-whiteness as deviant is essential and endemic to those systems (financial, legal, educational, political and social) structured to establish and sustain the nation’s way of life and is one way in which we perpetuate systemic racism.  We investigated how educational policy and practice work to establish whiteness as the norm and positions students of color in homogenous groups hindered by deviation from that norm, “othering” students of color, and collaborated with participants to reveal  forms of “othering” and ways to work against extending this practice.

Also embedded within and conducted throughout the conference was year three of the WPC Youth Leadership Conference, which paired youth participants and adult facilitators in an innovative program to explore the issues of oppression and white privilege.  The creative format, using best practices in youth engagement, featured interactive dialogue techniques from theater of the oppressed, sacred talking circles, open space caucuses and affinity groups.  The ideas and understandings born of these interactions were then shared with the adult conference using a range of performing arts based methods.  I am continually amazed at how resonant the issues power, oppression and privilege are with our youth and their ability to make meaning of the presence and impact of these forces in their everyday lived experiences in transformative ways.

Congratulations and thank you to the remarkable groups of people who organized, supported and made WPC 11 possible!  We look forward to continuing to be a part of this community of thinkers, learners and doers with indomitable wills to recognize, understand and call out white privilege for the continued establishment of the beloved community.

Imagine

Imagine

Reading Time: 3 minutes

Tim Wise’s latest blog post titled “Imagine: Protest, Insurgency and the Workings of White Privilege” asks readers to play a game in which they imagine the public reaction to current events if the main actors were not white but black folks or other people of color.  At first glance, the set up felt a little hokey to me.  It reminded me a bit of Matthew McConaughey’s character’s strategy in the movie “A Time to Kill”–to get the white jury to imagine the young black girl’s suffering…and then to imagine she was white.  However, I have to admit that the game–like the jury argument–was pretty powerful.

For example, Wise invites us to (and I quote):

  • “Imagine that hundreds of black protesters were to descend upon Washington DC and Northern Virginia, just a few miles from the Capitol and White House, armed with AK-47s, assorted handguns, and ammunition. And imagine that some of these protesters–the black protesters–spoke of the need for political revolution, and possibly even armed conflict in the event that laws they didn’t like were enforced by the government. Would these protesters–these black protesters with guns–be seen as brave defenders of the Second Amendment, or would they be viewed by most whites as a danger to the republic? What if they were Arab-Americans? Because, after all, that’s what happened recently when white gun enthusiasts descended upon the nation’s capital, arms in hand, and verbally announced their readiness to make war on the country’s political leaders if the need arose.
  • Imagine that white members of Congress, while walking to work, were surrounded by thousands of angry, screaming, black people, one of whom proceeded to spit on one of those congressmen for not voting the way the black demonstrators desired. Would the protesters be seen as merely patriotic Americans voicing their opinions, or as an angry, potentially violent, and even insurrectionary mob? After all, this is what white Tea Party protesters did recently in Washington.
  • Imagine that a popular black liberal website posted comments about the daughter of a white president, calling her “typical redneck trash,” or a “whore” whose mother entertains her by “making monkey sounds.” After all that’s comparable to what conservatives posted about Malia Obama on freerepublic.com last year, when they referred to her as “ghetto trash.”

Wise concludes that “Protest is only seen as fundamentally American when those who have long had the luxury of seeing themselves as prototypically American engage in it.”  He goes on to say that is what white privilege is all about:  “The ability to threaten others, to engage in violent and incendiary rhetoric without consequence, to be viewed as patriotic and normal no matter what you do, and never to be feared and despised as people of color would be, if they tried to get away with half the shit we do, on a daily basis.”

Wise ends his post with “Game over.”  Yet, the game was on for one commenter who chose to challenge Wise point-by-point.  In the commenter’s mind:

  • The group of gun-toting protesters was representative of the country’s demographics (predominantly white), the protest was not “restrictively” white, and there must have been some black participants, thus…not white privilege.
  • The video Tim posted did not show anyone spitting on members of Congress (no “hard” evidence) and the niece of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. is a Tea Partier, thus…not white privilege.
  • People criticized George W. Bush, Sarah Palin, and Sarah Palin’s daughter, thus…not white privilege.

This, I suggest, is also what white privilege is all about.  It’s the ability to deny the significance of race, to narrowly define racism so as to exclude all but the most extreme (think KKK), to point to black participation as legitimizing/de-racializing, and to disregard this nation’s racist past as irrelevant to its present.

Perhaps we should play Wise’s game for real (but in our own context on issues that we care about) and see how the public responds.  I’d be willing to bet the prototypical (white) American won’t be thinking about black folks’ constitutional rights…and no one will be calling us patriotic.  Rather than game over, I say game on.  Imagine that!

You can find Wise’s post at www.timwise.org, but you will have to click on Blog (At Red Room) to find it.

An Equity Lens for ESEA Reauthorization

An Equity Lens for ESEA Reauthorization

Reading Time: < 1 minute

Recently, bi-partisan leadership in the U.S. Congress invited suggestions for the upcoming reauthorization of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA).  In our comments, West Wind urged Congress to pay explicit attention to equity not only as an over-arching goal of reauthorization, but as a frame for reviewing each and every provision.

Our experiences over the past twenty years suggest that without such explicit attention, we simply will not achieve equitable results.  For decades we have worked on standards, assessments, and data systems and we have been tracking inequities.  But our responses have been limited at best.

For example, in response to demonstrated “gaps” in reading achievement by race, we focused explicit attention on reading while we systematically avoided addressing underlying issues of race.  And, even in the cases where the rising tide of improved student achievement did lift all boats state- or region-wide, it did not decrease racial disparities.

We believe must study and disrupt the underlying causes of the patterns of disparities we are tracking. By examining ESEA through the lens of equity, we might just come up with strategies to finally achieve our vision of equitable outcomes.

Common Core Standards:  Hegemony and Racial Equity

Common Core Standards: Hegemony and Racial Equity

Reading Time: 3 minutes

The current effort to establish common core standards for college and career readiness for the nation’s public schools seems to suggest that the central need for reform in U.S. schools is to establish fewer, clearer, higher standards for what children should know and be able to do. That to do so will better prepare our children to compete in a global economy.  That such, combined with appropriately aligned assessment and instruction, would serve to raise the performance of schools, effectiveness of teaching, achievement of students, and the stature of the nation globally. Such conjecture, after decades of states and schools failing to prepare significant groups of students to be competitive in our own national economy, echo the dominant claims of meritocracy, race neutrality, objectivity and color-blindness of which we all should justly be skeptical. We needn’t be reminded that these failures are most prominent with our students of color.  Eliminating the racial disparities in the experience of students of color in our public schools has been and remains the country’s central challenge for school reform.

Nationally, in 2005 only 52 percent of Hispanic, 56 percent of African-American, and 57 percent of Native-American students graduated on time, compared to 78 percent of white students (Greene & Winters, 2002, 2005). Consider that only 47% of African American males graduated on time in 2006. Moreover, 42 of the 50 states have graduation rates for African American males below 70%. 35 of the 50 have rates below 60%, and 17 of the 50 states have graduation rates for these students below 50% (Schott Foundation, 2008).

Race has been a salient aspect of life in the Unites States since its very beginnings. As a standard in the robbery and annihilation of its indigenous peoples and as a concept to buttress the values, beliefs and practices to transport, enslave, and oppress another, racism is endemic to our nation’s institutions, public and private, not the least of these being our system of public education. As we now embark upon yet another movement to set standards, and I am bound to ponder how and why our nation’s educational leaders would again ignore the historical and contemporary context in which we undertake such an initiative. To convene, outline a process for, and develop standards, standards that do not recognize nor address race, culture or difference, standards developed it seems as if we – in the year 2010 no less – “took for granted that white supremacy had to be maintained” (Bond, 1935), is indeed a standard demonstration of the structural, systemic racism that plagues our global integrity and competiveness. It should not go without also mentioning that the performance of the very majoritarian targets (colleges and careers) we believe all our students should be ready for is and has been poor, at best, when it comes to enrolling, graduating and employing students and workers of color.

The effort to establish common core standards, construct multiple measures and design individualized instruction for a nation of such racially, culturally, linguistically and experientially diverse students and to NOT recognize, address nor even consider such plurality, should hardly be expected to bring about real and meaningful transformation of our education system to benefit all students. Race, ethnicity and language are central to what every person lives in our nation.  39 states, California, New York, Montana, Wisconsin, Mississippi, Tennessee and Washington among them, have funding, committees, standards and curricula requirements or other legal mandates to recognize, address and include the culture, heritage and contributions of our indigenous peoples (Native American Rights Fund, 2005).  The extraordinarily diverse population of our country and thus our schools would seemingly have to be a central consideration in the development of core standards.  The very thought that the development of common core standards has proceeded without deep, substatntive deliberations of race, culture, or differences raises question about our ideals.

So what is to be made of this current movement of standards adorned with politics, research, evidence-based and best practice? Perhaps we should consider the following wise admonition:

“Is the standards movement a quality control movement, as it is advertised, or is it a decoy for something else? We have been here before, with the standards movement. In fact, we reach a standards movement almost every three or four years. Some governor wants to manipulate the test score requirements or get a new test. Some president wants to manipulate test score requirements or get a new test. Somebody wants to change the standards of education, presumably as a way of raising the quality of schools and schooling and the achievement of children. I say presumably because I don’t think that I can remember a time when that was really the reason for having a standards movement. If you want to raise quality, then standards manipulation is probably the last place that you would start…..
I don’t care whether it’s a Democrat or a Republican who calls for it. Usually, when people put so much emphasis on standards as a school reform tool, it means that they want to look like they’re performing a reform effort, but they’re actually moonwalking. They look like they’re going forward but they’re going backwards” (Hilliard, 1997).

Problematizing the Racial Achievement Gap-A Systems Perspective

Problematizing the Racial Achievement Gap-A Systems Perspective

Reading Time: < 1 minute

At West Wind, we believe the system was perfectly designed to get the results it is getting. Thus, we seek to problematize the racial achievement gap by reframing the problem from one of failing students to one of a failing system. While this most certainly includes inequitable resources and inequitable distribution of highly qualified teachers and principals, we believe these are just symptoms of the larger systemic problem—an enduring belief in the inferiority of students of color, their families, and their communities. A new study by Marvin Lynn et al (2010) illustrates this point.

Lynn et al. examined how teachers’ and administrators’ understood the problem of African American male underachievement in an all-black, low-performing high school, and how those understandings impacted their ability to work successfully with such students. They found that school personnel overwhelmingly blamed students of color, their families, and their communities. Further, Marvin et al. tell us that “the school was pervaded by a culture of defeat and hopelessness” and that “ongoing conversations with a smaller group of teachers committed to the success of African American male students revealed that the school was not a safe space for caring teachers who wanted to make a difference in the lives of their students.”

The full article is available through the Teacher College Record here.

Images of “othering”

Images of “othering”

Reading Time: < 1 minute

I just reconnected with an amazing woman from my grad school days at the University of Maryland.  Avis Jones-Deweever is director of the Research, Public Policy, and Information Center at the National Council of Nego Women.  Please read her recent blog post on “Precious” and “The Blind Side” on the Race-Talk blog site!  Media portrayals of black women, men, children, families, and communities deeply impact choices we ultimately make about public policy, education, care, and trust.  Avis’ blog helps put current movie releases into relief.

At West Wind, we have been exploring the impact of othering on education…how our expectations and beliefs about children of color, their families, and their communities have been shaped by centuries of images of people of color designed to justify oppression and lack of care.  The conversations we had with folks at the Summit for Courageous Conversation and the Harvard Alumni of Color Conference have helped us to understand much of what we have seen in our work with schools, communities, researchers, and policy leaders.  If we don’t believe children can learn, we don’t teach them effectively.  If we believe they are dangerous, we discipline them at higher rates and we do what we can to protect others from them.  This is precisely what we are doing as a society.

Overcoming dominant narratives about children of color may be our greatest challenge as a nation and an education system.

A guest shares her thoughts on the proposed curfew

A guest shares her thoughts on the proposed curfew

Reading Time: 2 minutes

by Brandy Johnson

Tomorrow (December 1), a proposed curfew for minors in Iowa City will come up for consideration by our City Council. I was recently asked if I felt that the curfew proposal was focused on black youth.  My answer was “ABSOLULTELY YES!”  The violence that people talked about during the curfew debate has been taking place in our part of town, so it seems pretty clear that the curfew is more towards the African American kids on the Southeast side than any other race or location.

I am a minority student attending City High School and I am a member of the FAS TRAC program.  The choice of a juvenile curfew as a response to crime that affects all of us in my neighborhood–instead of choosing to invite me and my family and others of us to help figure out a solution–makes me feel like blacks aren’t to be trusted.  This makes me feel that our community isn’t welcoming me here, like I am being judged by other races (mostly Caucasians) and the decision being made is that I’m not wanted in my neighborhood.

Not only is the curfew affecting blacks in general, it is also affecting minors who have done nothing wrong.  I fit in both categories. I am not a troubled student or a violent person.  Why am I being punished for doing nothing wrong?  If the curfew is going to be a new law, it shouldn’t be toward one race or non-violent kids, it should be forced on the individuals who caused this.

It would be better to get to know minors as a new generation, understand what we are about, and hear our voices when it comes to making new decisions about us in our community (which don’t even affect the adults who make them). Again, why punish me and others who have done nothing wrong?

Pausing on Thanksgiving

Pausing on Thanksgiving

Reading Time: 2 minutes

Happy Thanksgiving to all.  This morning, I opened my email to a much appreciated message from the president of the National Congress of American Indians, Jefferson Keel.

NCAI President Jefferson Keel Speaks of Gratitude and Hope on Thanksgiving Day

WASHINGTON — November 25, 2009 — National Congress of American Indians (NCAI) President Jefferson Keel released the following statement on the eve of Thanksgiving Day:

“Indian Country was here at the beginning of our first national holiday, and we are still here four centuries later — grateful that we stand proud of our tribal cultures and contribute their strength to the sustaining diversity of America.

Indian Country is grateful on many, many counts. A President and his Administration have heard our concerns and priorities, acknowledging the nation-to-nation relationship, at the first annual White House Tribal Nations Conference. The Embassy of Tribal Nations has opened its doors in the nation’s capital. Congress is working in partnership with us to advance the priorities of Indian Country as seldom before. And a national museum on the Washington Mall bears witness to us for all who visit it.

We also have much to contribute to this great nation. Above all, our cultural heritage has positioned us to spearhead the historic task of restoring a human connection to the land, air, water, all living things and one another. We give thanks that the Creator has safeguarded our message of oneness in the web of life, for it is instrumental to restoring the global environment and good will among nations.

We must give thanks for other safeguards — the warriors who guard our homeland, many of them far from home on this holiday of gratitude and reunion. Native men and women have steadfastly fought and died defending this country as the highest serving minority group in the U.S. armed forces. We give thanks for all who defend our country.

Also this year, we give thanks for the harvest that inspired the first Thanksgiving. Abundant as the harvest has been this year for many, for many others it is a lean year. We’ve known that unemployment is high and that household hunger is a growing concern.

As always, Americans give thanks this day for their individual and community harvest. But especially this year, NCAI calls on them to join the many tribes and individuals in Indian Country who are going the extra mile to help their needy neighbors, just as they did on that first Thanksgiving.”

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