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Race Neutrality in the Obama Era

Race Neutrality in the Obama Era

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A recent story in the L.A. Times titled “Despite pressure from black activists, black support for Obama’s race-neutral stance is high” suggests that “average black folks” buy into Obama’s stance/strategy that a rising tide will lift African American boats.  Without taking issue with Washington on whether the black folks he interviewed in Charlotte, NC are “average,” I find  it hard to believe that whether black folks buy into a revised version of trickle-down economics is really the issue.  We have long been told (and politicians like Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton have proven) that a black politician with an overtly black agenda is not acceptable to white America.  Thus, we understand that a race-conscious stance/strategy would be political suicide for Obama.  That said, I do not believe Obama’s stance is entirely race-neutral.  Rather, Obama is focusing on issues that are critical to eliminating racial disparities–issues like universal health care and quality education.  Further, he is doing so with the express intent to benefit all. Perhaps if we recognized that eliminating racial disparities is in the best interest of all of our citizens–and in the best interest of our democracy–our first African American president could be more explicit.  Until then, we may have to settle for a black president who has to couch his strategies in terms of interests the white power structure believes are theirs alone.  And, in doing so, we might actually see some change we can all believe in.

Common Core Standards:  Hegemony and Racial Equity

Common Core Standards: Hegemony and Racial Equity

Reading Time: 3 minutes

The current effort to establish common core standards for college and career readiness for the nation’s public schools seems to suggest that the central need for reform in U.S. schools is to establish fewer, clearer, higher standards for what children should know and be able to do. That to do so will better prepare our children to compete in a global economy.  That such, combined with appropriately aligned assessment and instruction, would serve to raise the performance of schools, effectiveness of teaching, achievement of students, and the stature of the nation globally. Such conjecture, after decades of states and schools failing to prepare significant groups of students to be competitive in our own national economy, echo the dominant claims of meritocracy, race neutrality, objectivity and color-blindness of which we all should justly be skeptical. We needn’t be reminded that these failures are most prominent with our students of color.  Eliminating the racial disparities in the experience of students of color in our public schools has been and remains the country’s central challenge for school reform.

Nationally, in 2005 only 52 percent of Hispanic, 56 percent of African-American, and 57 percent of Native-American students graduated on time, compared to 78 percent of white students (Greene & Winters, 2002, 2005). Consider that only 47% of African American males graduated on time in 2006. Moreover, 42 of the 50 states have graduation rates for African American males below 70%. 35 of the 50 have rates below 60%, and 17 of the 50 states have graduation rates for these students below 50% (Schott Foundation, 2008).

Race has been a salient aspect of life in the Unites States since its very beginnings. As a standard in the robbery and annihilation of its indigenous peoples and as a concept to buttress the values, beliefs and practices to transport, enslave, and oppress another, racism is endemic to our nation’s institutions, public and private, not the least of these being our system of public education. As we now embark upon yet another movement to set standards, and I am bound to ponder how and why our nation’s educational leaders would again ignore the historical and contemporary context in which we undertake such an initiative. To convene, outline a process for, and develop standards, standards that do not recognize nor address race, culture or difference, standards developed it seems as if we – in the year 2010 no less – “took for granted that white supremacy had to be maintained” (Bond, 1935), is indeed a standard demonstration of the structural, systemic racism that plagues our global integrity and competiveness. It should not go without also mentioning that the performance of the very majoritarian targets (colleges and careers) we believe all our students should be ready for is and has been poor, at best, when it comes to enrolling, graduating and employing students and workers of color.

The effort to establish common core standards, construct multiple measures and design individualized instruction for a nation of such racially, culturally, linguistically and experientially diverse students and to NOT recognize, address nor even consider such plurality, should hardly be expected to bring about real and meaningful transformation of our education system to benefit all students. Race, ethnicity and language are central to what every person lives in our nation.  39 states, California, New York, Montana, Wisconsin, Mississippi, Tennessee and Washington among them, have funding, committees, standards and curricula requirements or other legal mandates to recognize, address and include the culture, heritage and contributions of our indigenous peoples (Native American Rights Fund, 2005).  The extraordinarily diverse population of our country and thus our schools would seemingly have to be a central consideration in the development of core standards.  The very thought that the development of common core standards has proceeded without deep, substatntive deliberations of race, culture, or differences raises question about our ideals.

So what is to be made of this current movement of standards adorned with politics, research, evidence-based and best practice? Perhaps we should consider the following wise admonition:

“Is the standards movement a quality control movement, as it is advertised, or is it a decoy for something else? We have been here before, with the standards movement. In fact, we reach a standards movement almost every three or four years. Some governor wants to manipulate the test score requirements or get a new test. Some president wants to manipulate test score requirements or get a new test. Somebody wants to change the standards of education, presumably as a way of raising the quality of schools and schooling and the achievement of children. I say presumably because I don’t think that I can remember a time when that was really the reason for having a standards movement. If you want to raise quality, then standards manipulation is probably the last place that you would start…..
I don’t care whether it’s a Democrat or a Republican who calls for it. Usually, when people put so much emphasis on standards as a school reform tool, it means that they want to look like they’re performing a reform effort, but they’re actually moonwalking. They look like they’re going forward but they’re going backwards” (Hilliard, 1997).

Problematizing the Racial Achievement Gap-A Systems Perspective

Problematizing the Racial Achievement Gap-A Systems Perspective

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At West Wind, we believe the system was perfectly designed to get the results it is getting. Thus, we seek to problematize the racial achievement gap by reframing the problem from one of failing students to one of a failing system. While this most certainly includes inequitable resources and inequitable distribution of highly qualified teachers and principals, we believe these are just symptoms of the larger systemic problem—an enduring belief in the inferiority of students of color, their families, and their communities. A new study by Marvin Lynn et al (2010) illustrates this point.

Lynn et al. examined how teachers’ and administrators’ understood the problem of African American male underachievement in an all-black, low-performing high school, and how those understandings impacted their ability to work successfully with such students. They found that school personnel overwhelmingly blamed students of color, their families, and their communities. Further, Marvin et al. tell us that “the school was pervaded by a culture of defeat and hopelessness” and that “ongoing conversations with a smaller group of teachers committed to the success of African American male students revealed that the school was not a safe space for caring teachers who wanted to make a difference in the lives of their students.”

The full article is available through the Teacher College Record here.

Images of “othering”

Images of “othering”

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I just reconnected with an amazing woman from my grad school days at the University of Maryland.  Avis Jones-Deweever is director of the Research, Public Policy, and Information Center at the National Council of Nego Women.  Please read her recent blog post on “Precious” and “The Blind Side” on the Race-Talk blog site!  Media portrayals of black women, men, children, families, and communities deeply impact choices we ultimately make about public policy, education, care, and trust.  Avis’ blog helps put current movie releases into relief.

At West Wind, we have been exploring the impact of othering on education…how our expectations and beliefs about children of color, their families, and their communities have been shaped by centuries of images of people of color designed to justify oppression and lack of care.  The conversations we had with folks at the Summit for Courageous Conversation and the Harvard Alumni of Color Conference have helped us to understand much of what we have seen in our work with schools, communities, researchers, and policy leaders.  If we don’t believe children can learn, we don’t teach them effectively.  If we believe they are dangerous, we discipline them at higher rates and we do what we can to protect others from them.  This is precisely what we are doing as a society.

Overcoming dominant narratives about children of color may be our greatest challenge as a nation and an education system.

A guest shares her thoughts on the proposed curfew

A guest shares her thoughts on the proposed curfew

Reading Time: 2 minutes

by Brandy Johnson

Tomorrow (December 1), a proposed curfew for minors in Iowa City will come up for consideration by our City Council. I was recently asked if I felt that the curfew proposal was focused on black youth.  My answer was “ABSOLULTELY YES!”  The violence that people talked about during the curfew debate has been taking place in our part of town, so it seems pretty clear that the curfew is more towards the African American kids on the Southeast side than any other race or location.

I am a minority student attending City High School and I am a member of the FAS TRAC program.  The choice of a juvenile curfew as a response to crime that affects all of us in my neighborhood–instead of choosing to invite me and my family and others of us to help figure out a solution–makes me feel like blacks aren’t to be trusted.  This makes me feel that our community isn’t welcoming me here, like I am being judged by other races (mostly Caucasians) and the decision being made is that I’m not wanted in my neighborhood.

Not only is the curfew affecting blacks in general, it is also affecting minors who have done nothing wrong.  I fit in both categories. I am not a troubled student or a violent person.  Why am I being punished for doing nothing wrong?  If the curfew is going to be a new law, it shouldn’t be toward one race or non-violent kids, it should be forced on the individuals who caused this.

It would be better to get to know minors as a new generation, understand what we are about, and hear our voices when it comes to making new decisions about us in our community (which don’t even affect the adults who make them). Again, why punish me and others who have done nothing wrong?

Pausing on Thanksgiving

Pausing on Thanksgiving

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Happy Thanksgiving to all.  This morning, I opened my email to a much appreciated message from the president of the National Congress of American Indians, Jefferson Keel.

NCAI President Jefferson Keel Speaks of Gratitude and Hope on Thanksgiving Day

WASHINGTON — November 25, 2009 — National Congress of American Indians (NCAI) President Jefferson Keel released the following statement on the eve of Thanksgiving Day:

“Indian Country was here at the beginning of our first national holiday, and we are still here four centuries later — grateful that we stand proud of our tribal cultures and contribute their strength to the sustaining diversity of America.

Indian Country is grateful on many, many counts. A President and his Administration have heard our concerns and priorities, acknowledging the nation-to-nation relationship, at the first annual White House Tribal Nations Conference. The Embassy of Tribal Nations has opened its doors in the nation’s capital. Congress is working in partnership with us to advance the priorities of Indian Country as seldom before. And a national museum on the Washington Mall bears witness to us for all who visit it.

We also have much to contribute to this great nation. Above all, our cultural heritage has positioned us to spearhead the historic task of restoring a human connection to the land, air, water, all living things and one another. We give thanks that the Creator has safeguarded our message of oneness in the web of life, for it is instrumental to restoring the global environment and good will among nations.

We must give thanks for other safeguards — the warriors who guard our homeland, many of them far from home on this holiday of gratitude and reunion. Native men and women have steadfastly fought and died defending this country as the highest serving minority group in the U.S. armed forces. We give thanks for all who defend our country.

Also this year, we give thanks for the harvest that inspired the first Thanksgiving. Abundant as the harvest has been this year for many, for many others it is a lean year. We’ve known that unemployment is high and that household hunger is a growing concern.

As always, Americans give thanks this day for their individual and community harvest. But especially this year, NCAI calls on them to join the many tribes and individuals in Indian Country who are going the extra mile to help their needy neighbors, just as they did on that first Thanksgiving.”

Stereotype Threat

Stereotype Threat

Reading Time: 2 minutes

In July 2009, REL Southeast at SERVE Center, UNC, Greensboro,  published the Issues and Answers brief for the Institute of Education Sciences (IES) titled Reducing stereotype threat in the classroom: A Review of social-psychological intervention studies on improving the achievement of Black students.  The authors tell us that “stereotype threat arises from a fear among members of a group of reinforcing negative stereotypes about the intellectual ability of the group” (p.i).  Without intervention, stereotype threat has a negative effect on student performance for members of such groups.

The brief considers only “rigorous research” and finds support for the following three classroom social-psychological strategies for reducing stereotype threat: (1) reinforce for students the idea that intelligence is expandable and, like a muscle, grows stronger when worked; (2) teach students that their difficulties in school are often part of a normal “learning curve” or adjustment process, rather than something unique to them or their racial group; and (3) help students reflect on other values in their lives beyond school that are sources of self-worth for them.  The report also notes several limitations of the study that are of great importance.  First, the report notes that the underlying search was very focused and included only those interventions that have been tried in real school settings.  This means that there may be other equally or even more effective interventions out there.  Second, the studies were small in scope and their replicability is unknown.   Thus, the authors urge readers to share ideas for reducing stereotype threat even if they are in the developmental stages.

The authors also make some important concluding points.  First, they suggests educators will need to adapt the strategies for their own contexts so as not to lose the spirit of the interventions.  Second, they suggest the timing of the intervention might be critical (one study focused on 7th grade students) as there may be “windows of opportunity for influencing student attitudes and beliefs” (p.13) and interventions might be more effective at particular times during the school year.  Perhaps the most telling point, however, is the last one.  The authors tell us that no social-psychological intervention can make up for lack of learning, motivate unmotivated students, or turn a low-performing and underfunded school into a model school.  They go on to say:

“More generally, the interventions would not work if there were not broader positive forces in the school environment (committed staff, quality curriculum) operating to facilitate student learning and performance. Without these broader positive forces, social-psychological interventions, while potentially reducing psychological threat levels for some students, would be unlikely to boost student learning and achievement. However, when these broader positive forces are in place, social-psychological interventions such as those reported on here may help Black and other minority students to overcome stereotype threat and improve their performance in school” (p.14)

Congratulations to REL Southwest for getting such an important Issues and Answers brief published.  However, let us not lose sight that these interventions do not directly challenge the system that perpetuates negative stereotypes about the intellectual ability of these groups in the first place.  Rather, they place the burden on students of color and the educators who care about their achievement rather than on the system that makes such interventions necessary in the first place.  Thus, stereotype threat interventions are a short-term strategy that may be part of a longer-term strategy to disrupt systemic racism and other social forces that serve current power structures.  They are not in and of themselves sufficient to transform education.

Teaching Diverse Students Initiative

Teaching Diverse Students Initiative

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Teaching Tolerance, a project of  The Southern Poverty Law Center, recently launched a new effort entitled the  “Teaching Diverse Students Initiative.”  This is a very nicely designed site with researched-based tools and resources for teaching racially and ethnically diverse students.   Contributors to the site include Linda Darling-Hammond, Gloria Ladson-Billings, Sonia Nieto, Mica Pollock and others including a couple of my early literacy friends and colleagues, Dorothy Strickland and Patricia Edwards.

Follow the link below.  You need to register to check out the tools.  Its free.

http://www.tolerance.org/tdsi/

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